CEC Associates
Maintaining Employees and Productivity Through Disability Management Since 1983
www.cecassoc.com


This Series consists of five (5) separate articles and is worth ten (10) Credit Hours (10 Ethics Credits for CRCC).  Each article has corresponding questions that can be found be clicking on the "Questions" link.

Article 1: Employers, Advocacy Groups, and the ADA
Article 2: Workplace Disability Definitions
Article 3: Disability Management & The Disability Prone Employee
Article 4: 10 Tips for Disability Management
Article 5: The Different Responsibilities of National & Community-Based Advocacy Groups

Employers, Advocacy Groups, and the ADA

By Jasen M. Walker, Ed.D., C.R.C., C.C.M.

The Employer’s Perspective

Local agencies advocating for clients with disabilities have much to offer employers, and employers would do well to embrace the assistance.

The greatest value representatives of local advocacy agencies would bring to employers is expert advice on the formulation of ADA compliance programs, specifically, the creation and operation of Disability Management Programs (DMPs). Once employers have come to realize that managing their comprehensive disability programs— from safety/wellness programs through managed care for employees who have been injured—is both cost-effective and manageable, they will also realize that the expertise they need to accomplish this is available simply by invitation.

Many—if not most—well-managed companies already have DMPs in place and operating effectively. A Disability Management Program is a commitment by management to control costs and to develop and operate a system within the company that demonstrates concern for the well-being of all employees.

DMPs generally start with carefully structured safety and wellness programs, but also include immediate and extended concern and support for employees who have been disabled, manage care provided by professionals (generally nurses and counselors) trained in such activities as utilization reviews and vocational rehabilitation. DMPs are highly effective in terms of cost containment of actual medical treatment and return to work, and if they were not, well-managed companies would not be so fervent about their importance to the management system.

The minimum an employer needs to do is to assess the workplace for accessibility and to perform the generally inexpensive modifications needed to make it safe and viable for individuals with a disability. In most cases this is retro-fitting, but the ADA also has guidelines for the construction of new facilities that need to be considered.

In terms of measuring accessibility, there are no more qualified, experienced individuals than the professionals who operate disability-support agencies. Clients of these agencies, that is, individuals with disabilities, can be made available to employers by the agency to suggest corrective solutions.

It is important to note that the Code of Professional Ethics for Rehabilitation Counselors speaks to working with other agencies.  In the Code of Professional Ethics for Rehabilitation Counselors, Section E.2.a.: Consultation addresses the issue of working with other, appropriate professionals:

Rehabilitation counselors may choose to consult with professionally competent persons about the clients.  In choosing consultants, rehabilitation counselors will avoid placing the consultant in a conflict of interest situation that will preclude the consultant from being a proper party to the counselor’s efforts to help the client. If rehabilitation counselors are engaged in a work setting that compromises this consultation standard, they will consult with other professionals whenever possible to consider justifiable alternatives.

Section E.3.d. of the Code further states:

Rehabilitation counselors will attempt to secure from other specialists appropriate reports and evaluations, when such reports are essential for rehabilitation planning and/or service delivery.

Further, making adjustments to the physical facilities (in those cases where they are to serve specific individuals with a disability) can be funded in part or in whole by state agencies such as the Office of Vocational Rehabilitation, and professionals in the local agencies are likely to know about these supplemental funding sources and how to approach them for an effective outcome.

In addition to assisting employers to make accessibility surveys, local professionals can advise employers on the creation and operation of a DMP. Once an employer has made a commitment to develop a program designed to prevent and manage disability, the first step is to form a team charged with the responsibility to review current policies and to organize the new policies and procedures that will serve as the company’s position on the matter. This team should be made up of at least one staff member representing the company’s human resources department, at least one member representing immediate supervision of line-level employees, and at least one community-based disability expert.

The charge of the development team should be to:

become familiar with the requirements of the ADA, especially as those requirements will affect a particular company;
conduct an accessibility survey and take corrective action;
review present general policies in respect to the ADA and the company’s approach to disability management;
review, specifically, the hiring procedures with emphasis on medical examination policies, interviewing policies, job offers, and medical records policies;
design and implement safety and wellness programs;
collect and maintain data that will shape future policy making;
review medical-benefit policies, especially the company’s state Workers’ Compensation program in effect;
undertake the rewriting of job descriptions in terms of "essential job functions" of each position as defined in the ADA; and
design/implement a company case-management process.

The single most important outcome of a well-planned and effectively operating DMP (and its Advisory Team) will be the significant and constructive curtailment of the high medical costs associated with an injury or illness for which the company’s insurance provides coverage. In this respect, advocates trained in disability support can offer companies an invaluable source of expertise.

The Agency’s Perspective

Local agencies also need to recognize that they too have a responsibility to reach out to local employers to assist them in developing quality disability-prevention and management systems. Agency professionals cannot be content to wait until they are approached for assistance. They need to:

inform employers of the services available to them locally, including the availability of services to help plan and develop Disability-Management Programs;
help employers to identify qualified applicants;
help the pool of qualified individuals, within their support network, with knowledge of employment opportunities;
assist applicants who have not been successful in a specific job application to evaluate the reason for the rejection;
provide alternative dispute-resolution services in those cases where there is a disagreement between the employer and the employee (or the job applicant);
foster networks among the clients specifically focused on jobs (including training and education for career opportunities); and
provide legal advice and assistance to individuals with disabilities who appear to have valid grounds for a discrimination charge.

As American business and industry move inexorably toward a serious shortage of qualified employees, it will be absolutely essential that these two entities – employers and local-advocacy groups – find each other and begin to share their common concern for full productivity. Until they do, both employers and individuals with disabilities will be working at cross purposes.

 

Workplace Disability Definitions: A Brief Lexicon for the Human Resources and Risk Management Professional

By Jasen M. Walker, Ed.D., C.R.C., C.C.M.

Many employers are still experiencing problems managing workplace disability. These problems can cause management inefficiencies and, in some cases, result in a serious financial drain on the company. Risk Managers and human resource professionals are, by training and experience, in excellent positions to assist employers in recognizing the problems associated with workplace disability and to begin educating the appropriate company managers to address the issues. An essential first step in this educational process is to understand the relevant terminology of contemporary disability management. Familiarity with this terminology is the basis for constructing the kind of Disability-Management Program (DMP) needed to reduce the seriously rising costs of workplace disability. With that reality in mind, we offer the following lexicon of disability terms.

Impairment:

The American Medical Association’s Guide to the Evaluation of Permanent Impairment defines an impairment as "any loss or abnormality of psychological, physiological, or anatomical structure or function." Simply stated, an impairment is an alteration in an individual’s health status (i.e., injury or illness) that is assessed by medical means. An "impaired" individual is not necessarily "disabled." The difference between impairment and disability, in our opinion, is crucial.

Disability:

The definition of disability proposed by the World Health Organization is "any restriction or lack (resulting from an impairment) of ability to perform an activity in the manner or within the range considered normal for a human being, particularly in social or occupational settings." Disability in general may be thought of as the gap between what a person can do and what a person needs or wants to do. Occupational disability is the difference between what a person can do as the result of an impairment and what a particular job demands.

Impairment is the result of injury, illness, or disease that must be diagnosed or treated by a physician. In contrast, vocational disability must be determined by occupational professionals or in an occupational setting. Vocational disability can be induced or created. There are at least four ways in which vocational disability can be created.

Iatrogenic:

This term means originated with, or induced by, medical treatment. Many medical specialists involved in injured worker healthcare believe that occupational injuries must be treated conservatively, that is, with time and non-invasive modalities.

Iatrogenic disability occurs more frequently than the casual observer might suppose. Low-back surgery, for example, is well known to resolve less often in the injured-worker population. Indeed, for many years, the most renowned neurosurgeon in Philadelphia would not treat compensable back injuries surgically because of the dramatically different "success" rates in the occupationally injured versus non-occupationally impaired populations.

Iatrogenic disability need not be the result only of surgical intervention. Physician induction of disability can often result from mere suggestion. The susceptible, or all-too-vulnerable patient can hear, or think he heard, the physician say that he was "unable to work." Physicians unknowingly underestimate or consciously abuse the power invested in them by the generally naive health-care recipient. Disability induction through iatrogenic means is sometimes a function of the employer not insisting that its health-care providers stay within their disciplines and avoid making vocational decisions. Employers and employees make vocational decisions; physicians diagnose and treat disease.

Bureaugenic:

Work disability is often caused by the bureaucracy that surrounds occupational injury and non-occupational disease. Organizational policies and personnel decisions often ignore the consequences of shortsighted and antiquated return-to-work practices. From "you cannot return to work until you are 100 percent" to "light duty for workers’ compensation recipients only," return-to-work programs seldom serve both employee and employer. Although the rising costs of workplace disability and the Americans with Disabilities Act led to some reevaluation of these return-to-work standards in the 1990s, the bureaugenic induction of disability remains a significant problem for most work organizations and our country at large.

Some self-insurers of both workers’ compensation and long-term disability have failed to realize that, as work organizations, they create disincentives for employees to return to work following the onset of injury or illness. With employees able to receive 75 percent of their income in wage-replacement benefits, the employer has introduced secondary gain (defined below) as a factor that the injured or ill worker would find difficult to overcome despite a strong work ethic. The Social Security Administration has recognized that most recipients of SSDI are of working age, yet few take advantage of the trial work period available to them. The widespread use of managed-care organizations in the treatment and rehabilitation of injured workers raises a legitimate question regarding the possibility that managed care adds a layer of bureaucracy to the already complex social and political system that induces disability in the workplace. Bureaucracies can foster disincentives for the employee to get well and return to work.

Litogenic:

Representing injured or ill employees (or people pursuing economic damages through personal-injury litigation), legal advocates hope to demonstrate that their clients have lost potentials to work and earn "a living." Such an argument ensures representation that the plaintiff is disabled. To argue otherwise is a contradiction. Thus, lawyers, in their advocacy of injured employees, pursue economic recovery in personal injury, workers’ compensation, Social Security Disability, and long-term disability claims. These litigations almost always induce or encourage an argument of disability. Even the most ethical lawyers know that their clients have more to gain if they can prove economic damage secondary to vocational disability.

Psychogenic:

Psychogenic disability is the inability to work because of symptoms caused or produced by mental or psychological factors rather than organic problems. Depression, substance abuse, personality disorders, and psychosis can lead to psychogenic disability. Such "disability" is, unfortunately, often assessed by health-care professionals who legitimize symptoms manifested following the diagnosis of a disease or disorder, which is not necessarily disabling. Psychogenic disability can arise when workers report symptoms secondary to stress that they attach to a particular cause external to them, rather than taking responsibility for reducing the stress. Psychogenic disability is often precipitated by work dysfunction.

For an excellent text on psychogenic disability and its causes, see Psychiatric Disability: Clinical, Legal and Administrative Dimensions, published by the American Psychiatric Press, Inc. (1987).

Primary Gain:

When a human being is thwarted in his or her natural growth, emotional conflict and anxiety generally develop. The relief from emotional conflict and the freedom from anxiety achieved by an individual’s defense mechanisms are known as "primary gain." The primary gain of all neurotic illness is the subduing of anxiety and emotional conflict, or internal gain. Primary gain is seldom recognized as often as "secondary gain," but if we, as observers, accept the premise that organisms naturally move forward, or grow, then we can also find logic in the construct that when human beings are thwarted in their development (generally early in life), tension and anxiety naturally arise. Psychogenic illness can often result from primary gain dynamics.

Family medical practitioners know this fact best. Ulcers, skin disorders, asthma, myalgias, chronic pain, and reflex sympathetic dystrophy are primarily somatization disorders, illnesses in which the body takes over in order to relieve emotional conflict or reduce anxiety. Traditional methods of treating such illnesses nearly always fail. Surgical interventions generally make these "illnesses" worse. Unless good practitioners of occupational medicine recognize the role of primary gain in sustaining illness, treatment errors will occur, lost time will continue, and the search for medical remedies will become inordinately expensive.

Secondary Gain:

Although the primary gain of neurotic illness is an internal process, "secondary gain" refers, according to the American Psychiatric Association, to external gain derived from an illness, such as personal attention and service, monetary gains, disability benefits, and release from unpleasant responsibilities. Secondary gainers are individuals who generally make no pretense about their desire to return to work. They usually go through the motions because they are required to do so to receive continued disability-related benefits. Unlike the ambivalent employee, secondary gainers are not even willing to try to find new work opportunities. They maximize the extent of work limitations resulting from a chronic condition, although many of these limitations are self-imposed or litogenically, psychogenically, and/or iatrogenically induced. Many individuals can have both primary and secondary gain features to their presentation of symptoms and claims of disability. Some of those individuals are malingering.

Malingering:

The American Psychiatric Association, in its Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, defines malingering as "the intentional production of false or grossly exaggerated physical or psychological symptoms, motivated by external incentives such as avoiding military duty, avoiding work, obtaining financial compensation, evading criminal prosecution, or obtaining drugs. Under some circumstances, malingering may represent adaptive behavior, for example, feigning illness while a captive of the enemy during wartime. In the workplace, malingering is too often a ‘cooperative process’ in which two or more parties are involved." In that case, the appropriate descriptive term should be "co-malingering" (see below).

Co-malingering:

Whereas malingering is the intentional production of false or grossly exaggerated symptoms by an individual, co-malingering is the result of collaboration in keeping the injured party out of work; the injured person has found a partner, or partners, in his or her efforts to remain disabled. Surprisingly, employers are often partners in the dance of co-malingering.

Injured workers are frequently viewed as troublemakers, and supervisors are all too willing to assist in the lost-time process by refusing to return the injured employee to work, with or without some type of accommodation. Perceived as taking advantage of the compensation system, the injured employee is given messages that he or she is unwanted, and if the injured or ill employee is returned to "light duty," those work assignments are often so demeaning that the employee quickly learns that there is little or no reason to remain at work. An injured worker can find one or more other partners, including a physician, a lawyer, a spouse, or any significant other who assists the injured employee in exhausting his or her disability alternatives and compensation options by remaining out of work after the onset of an injury or illness.

Fraud:

With malingering and co-malingering, it is accepted that an injury or illness has occurred, and the process of staying out of work with the production of false or grossly exaggerated symptoms does not negate the fact that an injury (or illness) has occurred. In contrast, fraud is wholesale deceit of the compensation system.

Fraudulent claims are those in which an injury or illness has not occurred, or has occurred out of context—for example, a worker claims a low-back impairment at work on Monday morning in order to collect Workers’ Compensation, when in reality that injury occurred at home during the weekend. Unlike malingering or co-malingering, it is believed that fraud occurs in relatively few cases, but it certainly exists and must be handled aggressively with legal intervention.

Injured Worker Helplessness:

Nearly 20 years ago, Dr. Martin Seligman developed the theory of "learned helplessness" and defined it as the motivational and behavioral deficits displayed by humans when exposed to uncontrollable circumstances. Dr. Seligman found that when non-depressed subjects were exposed to unavoidable noise or other uncontrollable circumstances in laboratory experiments, they failed to escape the noise, solve problems, or see patterns in puzzles. Seligman theorized that uncontrollable events lead to perceptual errors, behavioral deficits, and decreased motivation to move forward.

Motivation is lost when a person has learned that outcomes do not directly depend on his or her responses. Perception of control and personal power are diminished, and helplessness is eventually learned. Most workers’ compensation systems are fertile ground for the growth of injured worker helplessness. When a workers’ compensation claimant is compelled to perform a job search, when compensation checks do not always arrive on time, when health-care providers do not take time to explain their findings, medical diagnoses, and the reason for particular treatments, workers’ compensation patients begin to feel insecure and believe they have little control over the healthcare necessary to get them well. After a period of time, numerous social dynamics tend to block the claimant from regaining control of decisions critical for his or her well-being. Injured worker helplessness is a hidden, but nonetheless critical, issue in the motivation behind many workers’ compensation claims.

Job Accommodation:

As technology continues to advance, job accommodation for people with disabilities becomes increasingly feasible. However, employers’ attitudes toward assisting individuals with or without accommodations, is critical in successful job accommodation. Job accommodation constitutes any action or series of actions that make it possible for a person with an impairment to attain employment, advance, train, or participate in employer activities. Job accommodations may include work-site modifications, special aids or devices, modifications of job tasks, or a change in working hours or schedules, but all accommodations involve employer willingness to interact with any employee or new hire to remove barriers to employment and full participation and concomitantly take advantage of the employee’s strengths.

Transitional Work:

The single most important thing an employer can do to control both the circumstances and the costs of a workplace injury is to implement a transition-to-work (TTW) program. A TTW program is a totally different approach to disability management than the methods used by most employers in the past. Historically, employers would either "outsource" the injured or ill employee (i.e., find him or her employment outside the organization) or provide a "light duty" situation for the employee. Unfortunately, neither of these approaches has worked.

What most well-managed companies now use in place of these failed methods is a process that "transitions" the employee from injury or illness to productivity. The reasons they do so is to reduce lost-time indemnities (by 20 to 40 percent) and to avoid having to train new hires. Returning employees to work through a TTW process provides the employee an opportunity to be productive while he or she is recovering, accelerates reintegration into the work force, helps employees feel positive about their lives, and precludes employers from becoming "disability hostages."

TTW methods are structured to be applied early in the disability duration; to involve essential staff members, specialists, and the employee working as a team to achieve an efficient return to work; and to be progressively staged events leading to full productivity.

Solutions Found in Disability Management:

We believe the brief lexicon above can facilitate new thinking in human-resource professionals serving as risk managers who have the power to create and install proactive DMPs. Disability cost-control is achieved in the work environments of well-managed companies through the design, implementation, and evaluation of disability management.

A DMP is an implemented commitment by the employer to not only prevent injuries and illnesses from happening, but to facilitate a return to productivity of any employee who has suffered an occupationally significant impairment, regardless of where the injury or illness occurred. The disability management program, therefore, is a planned effort by an employer to consciously create a management structure that will deal with the specifics of both preventing disabilities and managing them, when they occur, to the benefit of the employee and the employer.

Integrated Disability Management:

Integrated Disability Management (IDM) is a process designed to improve productivity, profitability, and the health status of employees. The purpose of IDM is to combine disability management and claims administration for all injuries and illnesses, whether occupational or non-occupational in nature, and for either short- or long-term disability. For larger employers, IDM can also include the integration of the organization’s group medical issues, safety and wellness programs, and comprehensive attendance management.

A study by Watson Wyatt/WGBH found that two thirds of companies that do not integrate disability programs reported incurring annual direct disability costs of 5.4 percent of payroll, while those that did integrate reported direct costs of only 2.7 percent of payroll. In addition to covering workers’ compensation, STD, LTD, and other absence-management programs, IDM calls for a coordinated team approach for all loss-prevention programs and DMPs. Key features of IDM are that there should be a single-source, injury-reporting and claims-administration process in place, open communications with all employees on the goal of the program, a comprehensive data collection and tracking process, and a focus on returning injured or ill employees to work in the shortest appropriate time.

Caveat:

While the core competency of rehabilitation counseling is essential, so too is the requirement to abide by the standards of practice for counselors as set forth in the Code of Professional Ethics for Rehabilitation Counselors, adopted by the Commission on Rehabilitation Counselor Certification (CRCC) for its Certified Rehabilitation Counselors.  Section K of the Code deals with “resolving ethical issues,” and states:

Rehabilitation counselors are responsible for learning the Code and should seek clarification of any standard that is not understood.  Lack of knowledge or misunderstanding of an ethical responsibility will not be used as a defense against a charge of unethical conduct.

 

NOTE: CEC Associates acknowledges the creativity and work of Dr. Ken Mitchell of Acordia Workers’ Compensation Services, who introduced us to several of these concepts, including the term "co-malingering," which we credit him fully for coining. The concept of co-malingering has been truly instrumental in assisting risk managers and corporate decision-makers in better understanding how to resolve workplace disability problems.

Philosophical foundations for effective disability management must begin with language refinement that allows company policy makers to conceive of and operationalize organizational interventions for controlling lost time.

 

 

Disability Management and the Disability-Prone Employee

By Jasen M. Walker, Ed.D., C.R.C., C.C.M.

Introduction

Is there a phenomenon that we might call "disability proneness"? Do some employees have a predisposition toward disabling disease or injury? If disability proneness exists, what can work organizations do about it? More fundamentally, if disability proneness exists in a work population, should an employer attempt to do anything about it?

These and similar questions have intrigued Corporate Education and Consultation (CEC) Associates, Inc., for nearly two decades. After evaluating nearly 4,000 injured workers, we have more than ample evidence that certain individuals, under the right conditions, manifest a proneness to disabling injury or disease, and some of those individuals find their injuries or diseases vehicles upon which they can leave the workplace and still survive. We have confirmed severally the existence of what R.C. Behan and A.H. Hirschfeld, nearly 40 years ago, termed the "accident process."

Doctors Behan and Hirschfeld, occupational medicine physicians treating injured workers from Detroit’s automotive factories, concluded that certain worker personality difficulties, coupled with troubled life situations, equated to "unacceptable disability." Unacceptable disability was associated with poor self-esteem and poor work performance, and once an accident or explanatory event took place, unacceptable disability could be converted into acceptable disability. Behan and Hirschfeld offered the following model to illustrate their observations:

Personality
difficulties
+ Troubled life
situation
= Unacceptable
disability
 
Unacceptable
disability
+ Accidents,
illnesses,
alcoholism, etc.
= Acceptable
disability

Those wise and insightful physicians found that the successful treatment of physical diseases did not necessarily resolve disability. They concluded that particular employees, under certain conditions, could manifest disability without disease.

A Case Illustration

A woman in her early 40s was referred by her employer’s insurance carrier for vocational evaluation and potential job placement. We have come to call this woman Norma Rae, as her social and occupational histories reminded us of the character that Sally Field played in her award-winning movie by the same name.

The Norma Rae whom we evaluated had a history that included a climb, albeit short-lived, to a leadership position in her textile factory. She had sustained a work-related injury two years prior to our examination. Norma had run the full gamut of physical investigation and rehabilitation. She had undergone imaging studies, electrical studies, diagnostic arthroscopic procedures, and physical medicine and rehabilitation, including physical therapy and work hardening. Numerous independent orthopedic examinations failed to find disease to explain her continuing problems. Some examiners hypothesized reflex sympathetic dystrophy as a cause for her continuing muscle atrophy and skin changes. She grew depressed, and most observers concluded that her physical complaints were subjective and in excess of her objective findings. The employer refused to return Norma to work unless she was capable of "full duty." It became our job to "rehabilitate" Norma Rae.

Until our intervention, no one had taken the time to gather a complete history from Ms. Rae. The following is a synopsis of what she told us. Norma had grown up in the mountains of West Virginia. She was the oldest child in a family of nine offspring. Her father, an abusive alcoholic, worked intermittently as a coal miner, and her mother, a seamstress, toiled from her home to supplement the family’s meager income. Life was harsh. Being the oldest, Norma was often given adult responsibilities, and at an early age she was parentalized with having to care for her siblings and mediate her mother and father’s arguments. Norma’s father verbally and physically abused his wife. He frightened his children, and during more than one drunken blackout, he sexually assaulted Norma Rae

Eventually, Norma’s mother became so desperate that she took two of the youngest children and left the house to live with her sister. Norma’s mother had convinced her that this would be only a temporary situation, and she would be back to retrieve Norma and her remaining siblings. Unfortunately, this exacerbated the father’s drinking behavior and life for the next six weeks was "hell" for Norma and her siblings. When her mother returned, it was only a short time thereafter that she became ill with ovarian cancer. She died six months later and never fulfilled her promise to Norma Rae.

Life at home only became worse for Norma following her mother’s death. Norma was 15 years old when the West Virginia Family and Children’s Services finally intervened. By that time, Norma’s father was dying of both pneumoconiosis and liver disease. Norma was given the option of foster-home placement or relocating to Pennsylvania to live with her maternal aunt. Children’s Services was forced to place Norma’s brothers and sisters in different homes, and Norma vowed to find work and earn enough to reconstitute her family and move them to Pennsylvania.

Norma’s father had inadvertently taught Norma how to survive, and her mother had consciously taught her daughter how to sew. Norma established herself as a hard-working production machine operator in a Reading, Pennsylvania, textile company. She eventually moved into her own apartment and was able to establish enough of a home to become legal guardian of three brothers and sisters. She was 19 years old.

With time, Norma established herself at work, and after several promotions, she found herself in charge of one floor of machine operators. Without an abusive father in her life, the intrusive memories of "growing up" in West Virginia faded. Life for a time actually seemed pleasant and rewarding to Norma.

Unfortunately, the textile factory in which Norma Rae seemed to prosper was privately owned and non-unionized. Norma began to experience conflict with management, as she felt the need to help her non-union "brothers and sisters" at work receive better pay, improved work conditions, increased benefits, and worker termination procedures. The AFL-CIO recruited Norma and trained her in union organizing and recruitment strategies. Norma often thought that if her father had had union protection, he would have been a better person. She felt determined that she had to create a safer work environment for the men and women she supervised.

Months following her union activities, the company owner placed his 39-year-old son in charge of the plant. By that time, Norma Rae had been there eight years, and the owner’s son had only been told that Norma could be trouble. He was strangely familiar to Norma, perhaps because he frequently harassed women and probably because of the alcohol that Norma could smell on his breath when he returned from his extended lunch breaks. The new manager and Norma did not have a good working relationship, and slowly but steadily the tensions between them increased.

The owner’s son was placed in command at the same time that a recession brought a downturn in the textile market. He felt his father’s pressure to maintain profits. However, orders were not coming in, and working conditions only worsened as he attempted to curb costs. In Norma’s mind, regardless of the economic climate, the plant’s employees still had the right to work in a safe environment. Rumor had it that if Norma Rae continued to push for more rights and benefits, the plant manager would find some way to "get rid of her." Norma, however, felt compelled to protect her co-workers.

Norma had drawn up a petition, reluctantly signed by 95 percent of the 115 production operators, that said there would be a work stoppage unless seams in the concrete floor of the factory were removed so that material handlers would not continue injuring themselves while pulling bundle carts over the open seams. Following an emergency rally with the plant manager, at which time Norma presented the petition, the plant manager visited Norma, threatened her, and ripped up the petition. As she attempted to gather support from her co-workers, Norma quickly realized that the vast majority of them would rather do anything to keep their jobs in a threatening recession than walk out over a safety issue. Rumors circulated that Norma’s time was up.

No one knows for certain if it was a genuine accident and injury, but two days later, Norma Rae tripped over one of the concrete seams and injured her knee. Two years later, after exhaustive diagnostic procedures and attempts to physically rehabilitate Norma Rae, she remained on workers’ compensation. The horrors of her childhood had resurfaced, and she experienced anxiety, depression, and panic attacks. She was medicated with anti-depressants and powerful analgesics. Ultimately, after several unilateral attempts by the employer’s carrier to terminate her workers’ compensation benefits, Norma was referred for vocational rehabilitation. Now represented legally, emotionally depressed, and over-medicated, return to gainful activity was the last agenda that Norma was willing to consider. For her, betrayal was the only truth that stuck.

A retrospective cost analysis found that with wage-replacement, medical, legal, and administrative claims costs, Norma Rae’s "accident" cost the employer’s insurance carrier more than $675,000 before they reached an $85,000 commutation of her benefits. Notably, this was only a portion of the total costs that were precipitated by the crack in the factory floor, as Norma’s absence led to an informal, but nonetheless evident, slowdown in the workplace following her accident.

It should be noted that until Norma was assigned to us for vocational rehabilitation, no one charged with the responsibility of assisting her had ever taken her complete story. Obviously, a history was more than that of a troublemaker falling over a factory floor crack that required repair.

Lessons To Be Learned

Over the years, CEC Associates, Inc., have evaluated hundreds of injured workers who have become resigned to their status of "totally disabled" following a process that has included several stages. The stages and process were well defined years ago in a 1978 article written by M.R. Weinstein who, recognizing the contributions of Behan and Hirschfeld, described the Disability Process.

Weinstein noted that certain individuals who had personality dysfunctions and troubled lives had the disposition to experience a crisis buildup during which the personality problems worsened from pressures at home and/or work. This led to what the Detroit physicians had earlier described as "unacceptable disability." The troubled worker’s vulnerable character plus increased job tension (from promotion, demotion, failure, reduced seniority or status, or other changes) and/or family tension led to increased somatic complaints, increased physician contacts, increased absenteeism and lateness, and decreased productivity. The worker would manifest irritability, blamefulness, and depression. Disability, in its unacceptable phase, manifested itself before an accident or event and was, indeed, a process. Retrospectively, the antecedents of disability are evident (as they were in Norma Rae’s case). Disability only needed to formalize itself by beginning with an accident or explanatory event. Once the event took place, the disability could be said to have a cause.

The formulations of Behan and Hirschfeld and Weinstein continue as truisms in protracted disability claims. Some, perhaps many, employees who have difficulty returning to work following an accident (explanatory event), were at risk prior to the accident (or illness). The accident simply becomes the identifiable reason for lost time. When the consequences of that event (or illness) become greater and last longer than expected, we are puzzled. Followed by further puzzling diagnostic findings and failed treatment methods, including the confusion between impairment and disability, the absent worker’s changed status and the "disability lifestyle" eventually stabilize. Disability becomes crystallized and almost desirable. With further sanctions and labeling from the high priests of our society, mainly physicians and judges, disability becomes a way of life for too many individuals who were simply troubled psychologically and socially before they found a way to escape a perceived toxic work situation. In essence, we have learned that some workers’ compensation claims are actually toxic torts!

The single most important lesson for the Rehabilitation Counselor is to determine and consider the client’s background. The Code of Professional Ethics (Section A.2.b.) for Rehabilitation Counselors addresses the issue in terms of “interventions,” and states: 

Rehabilitation Counselors will develop and adapt interventions and services to incorporate consideration of clients’ cultural perspectives and recognition of barriers external to clients that may interfere with achieving effective rehabilitation outcomes.

Problems for Pennsylvania Employers?

According to the February 2000 issue of Workers’ Comp Managed Care, workers’ compensation rates in Pennsylvania are down by 50 percent since 1993. Both state and industry officials attribute the rate reductions to the effectiveness of cost controls brought about by Act 44, approved in 1993, and Act 57, signed into law in 1996. However, most observers also warn that an economic downturn could spark increased compensation claims and potentially dissolve the laudable results in Pennsylvania’s workers’ compensation system reform that began with legislative initiatives in the early 1990s.

Legislative reform, however, will have little or no effect on the phenomenon of disability proneness. Certain individuals in the workplace will be prone to absenteeism and occupational (or non-occupational) disability regardless of jurisdictional compensation laws. With unemployment rates at an all-time low, employers are hiring increasing numbers of individuals who may have personality difficulties and/or troubled life situations that are interpreted as "unacceptable disability." Although legislative reform will probably not decrease the probability of disability proneness leading to lost time, employer practices will matter.

Employers are not only legally obligated to provide workers’ compensation benefits, but given the dearth of qualified applicants, competitive companies are compelled to offer short-term and long-term disability group plans in order to make their job openings increasingly attractive to a limited number of prospective employees. As a result, disability and wage-replacement benefits are more and more susceptible to abuse, and from unfortunate experience, employers have learned that employee abuse of such benefits has become one way that members of the workforce survive financially during times of economic downturn and work layoffs. Disability proneness is a complex and dynamic psychosocial process that is often fueled by secondary gain. Secondary gain becomes a means of survival when employees are faced with layoff or termination.

Thus, legislators, defense lawyers, claims personnel, and employers must recognize that a system trend in today’s economy may very well become an entitlement program in a less economically sound time. One significant trend nationwide is proactive return-to-work programming as a major feature in comprehensive disability management. In Pennsylvania lost-time cases, progressive and proactive employers are returning more people to work following occupational injury, and there is an increasing recognition that transition-to-work and modified employment have benefits for all parties in non-occupational disability claims. Again, with unemployment at an all-time low, employers can hardly afford to separate from an experienced worker when he or she becomes disabled from a non-occupational incident.

However, a second trend unique to Pennsylvania’s workers’ compensation is the popularity of closing a claim through "settlement." In Pennsylvania, Compromise and Release (C&R), or the provision of claim settlement, has led to a record number of claims being closed. In 1996/97, there were 1,311 petitions for C&R. In 1997/98, C&Rs numbered 6,714. In 1998/99, the number of C&R petitions assigned to judges was 7,906, an increase of 17.75 percent from the year before. This may be an ominous trend for claims management. If an organization today signals to its workforce that one method of separating from employment following occupational injury is to secure a lump sum of money and walk away, that organization, in tomorrow’s economic slowdown, may have helped establish a mindset in its workforce that the organization can be held "disability hostage." Today’s trend of easy claim resolution may become tomorrow’s lost-time nemesis.

Moreover, it is known that employers are sometimes encouraged to pay injured workers money to sign separate waivers not to bring suit under the ADA or FMLA federal statute. Although this is separate and distinct from Compromise and Release, the execution of a C&R generally precipitates the perceived added protection of a separate "waiver." However, there is considerable controversy as to whether individuals can actually waive their civil rights through such an agreement. Clearly, the quagmire precipitated by encouraging disability proneness through claims practices of settling cases with lump sums of money is still more or less theoretical. In the alternative, proven to be effective, regardless of the particular workers’ compensation statute, is the practice of Disability Management.

Disability Proneness and Disability Costs

Unfortunately, most employers do not appreciate how much they actually spend in workplace disability costs. One of the nation’s foremost disability insurers, UNUM Life Insurance Company of America, has studied workplace disability for decades. Findings from UNUM’s ongoing research into the "Full Cost of Workplace Disability" reveal that the average company spends 8.6% of payroll on workplace disability. The average company spends $2,860 per year for each employee on payroll just to cover the company’s disability expenditures.

Federal Express reviewed its workers’ compensation losses several years ago and found that 19% of the company’s workers’ compensation claims drove 79% of its workers’ compensation costs, indicating that a relatively small percentage of claims were responsible for the vast majority of monies spent. Were some of these claims brought about by employees who were disability prone, perhaps not unlike Norma Rae?

Answers to questions regarding disability proneness may be more academic than relevant. Notwithstanding the efficacy of the disability proneness concept, proactive organizations can take steps to keep employees as healthy as possible and reduce disability expenditures, absenteeism, and work dysfunction by instituting comprehensive disability management programs. Review of the best practices of organizations that have reduced disability costs reveals that workers’ compensation and non-occupational disability expenditures can be mitigated with the following strategies and outcomes:

awareness by senior management that prevention, health promotion, wellness, and disability management are important aspects of employee health and productivity;
the formulation and utilization of an interdisciplinary management team;
the identification of a leader, or "champion," who makes disability management achievable;
great enthusiasm shown by team members for the mission of reducing disability costs;
the integration of Employee Assistance Programs (EAPs) into overall Disability Management;
training for management and supervisors;
training for the company’s health-care providers;
adoption of return-to-work programs for all employees with lost time, regardless of its cause;
disability management as an integrated part of the work organization so that cost reduction is a natural consequence;
data collection and evaluation as critical processes to the ongoing monitoring and tracking of savings; and
the organization as a bellwether for other companies that wish to reduce absenteeism and improve worker productivity.

Work organizations have found that they can reduce all disability costs between 25 and 30 percent during the first full year of disability-management implementation.

Conclusion

Time and time again, the histories of injured employees tell us, in one way or another, that they were troubled at work and/or in their personal lives before an explanatory event, or so-called "work-related accident," occurred. Although it is not suggested that accidents do not happen, we must appreciate the ideas and contributions of insightful occupational medicine specialists like Behan and Hirschfeld, who many years ago recognized the process of disability without disease. Whether there are disability-prone employees in our organizations is a rather moot and perhaps only an empirical question. All of us can become troubled at some point in our lives, and, under the right conditions, those troubles can manifest in unacceptable disability. What we can only hope for is that responsible individuals around us will take the correct steps and intervene helpfully and appropriately.

These steps and interventions need not be altruistic or outside the realm of good human-resource management. Employers who cynically believe that proactive disability management is an apology for malingerers, exaggerators, and frauds in the workplace will never understand the message. The worker’s advocate may misinterpret the proposals provided here as methods only to manipulate people back to work. In fact, the proactive strategies and outcomes provided above are good for both the employer and the employee.

As the worker population ages, more and more valued employees will be susceptible to musculoskeletal wear-and-tear disorders, as well as non-exertional stressors that seem to be associated with aging. Disability proneness, if it truly exists, is probably not a character flaw, but it could be very expensive for both the employee and the employer. How labor and management address the problems of disability in the workplace remains a significant issue even 30 years after Behan and Hirschfeld began finding disability without disease.

References

  1. Behan, Robert C., and Hirschfeld, A.H., "Disability without Disease or Accident," Archives of Environmental Health, Vol. 12, May 1966, pp. 655-659.
  2. Weinstein, M.R., "The Concept of the Disability Process," Psychosomatics. 1978, 19, pp. 94-97.
  3. UNUM Life Insurance Company of America, "The Full Cost of Workplace Disability Study," 1989, 1992, and 1996.

 

 

10 Tips for Disability Management Programs

By Jasen M. Walker, Gordon Heile, and Fred Heffner

Corporate risk managers can improve the casualty insurance experience of their organizations by coordinating existing corporate strategies to focus on comprehensive disability management. According to a study by UNUM and Thomas L. Jacobs & Associates from 1992, the average company spends 8 percent of payroll on disability costs. Companies can reduce these costs by inducing interaction and collaboration between human resources, health-care benefits, employee assistance, safety, and injury treatment activities.

Several factors have helped contribute to increases in workers’ compensation claims. For example, a study conducted by the National Institute on Drug Abuse found that 30 percent of all workers’ compensation claims are associated with workplace substance abuse. And according to a 1992 report by the U.S. General Accounting Office, the average workers’ compensation claim costs $26,600. Considering these factors, the potential benefits of integrating employee-assistance programs (EAPs) and injury-management efforts become obvious.

There are ten indicators that signal the need for a comprehensive Disability Management Program (DMP). However, each company must develop specific recommendations for change in light of its unique workplace circumstances. Even though there are often operational differences between companies, most organizations are likely to benefit from DMP implementation.

There are more indicators of the need for DMPs than those listed below, but the following ten are the most important.

  1. The lack of cost-effective service from the company’s third-party administrator (TPA). Most large corporations work with a TPA. However, most firms that purchase these services realize only after the fact that such services frequently fail to move a lost-time case toward closure effectively. More often than not, this situation occurs because of the way the services are priced and the fact that employers lack the knowledge necessary to monitor the cases. Competition among administrative services can lead TPAs to offer claims management at a fixed price per case. This results in reduced services on each case handled unless the employer reviews each case and insists on appropriate servicing.

    In other words, a company purchasing TPA services will get what it pays for. One of the authors recalls distinctly being told that a group of claims adjusters assigned both contract cases (at a fixed price) and time-and-expense cases would handle only the time-and-expense cases on a weekly basis. Only when that work was done was the adjuster sufficiently free to service a flat-rate contract file.

    Thus, large corporations hoping for service from a TPA on contract work will probably not receive it without a concerted effort. There is no incentive for front-line adjusters to work a flat-rate file, particularly if they will be rewarded on time-and-expense billing only. A system of penalties and rewards, based on a review of randomly selected claims files to compare actual claims-handling action with mutually pre-determined standards, can serve to overcome this bias.

  2. The corporation has a recent history of labor/management conflict. Unresolved labor/management strife may be the single most frequently cited cause of lost-time claims and elevated disability expenditures. When management cannot gain the cooperation of labor in the formation and enforcement of safety programs, workers are more prone to accidents or injuries. When labor tends to perceive workers’ compensation as an entitlement, disability is likely to become more costly to the organization. Conversely, if management has no regard for the safety of its workforce or no desire to provide workers with return-to-work rehabilitation, the company is prone to being held hostage to spiraling disability claims and expenses.

  3. The company’s policies and/or procedures promote time off work. One Fortune 500 company has a workers’ compensation policy that allows workers to remain on long-term disability until age 65. This type of policy invites, even begs for, an increase in long-term disability cases. Since most employees over age 50 will experience some natural degenerative physical processes (particularly in their musculoskeletal systems), some of these workers are likely to find retirement on disability a more acceptable option than continuing employment.

    In one large East Coast supermarket corporation, the workers’ compensation claims staff was frustrated in its attempts to return injured workers to alternative employment within the organization. This large corporation was self-insured in both workers’ compensation and long-term disability. The company’s workers were allowed to "double-dip" into both the workers’ compensation fund and the long-term disability, wage-replacement program. An obvious solution for such companies is to coordinate the two programs to eliminate duplicate benefits.

  4. Prior attempts at return to work, such as light-duty programs, have resulted in dissatisfaction or additional labor/management friction. Light duty, as a practice, has failed to reduce workers’ compensation costs while maintaining worker productivity. At many companies, plant and office supervisors have learned that light-duty programs become a graveyard of the non-productive "working wounded." These returning workers adapt to sub-standard performances, and their supervisors do not know how to get more work from them. In these circumstances, permanent light duty has disappointed both workers and their supervisors.

    In order to solve this problem, companies should alter the definition of "light duty." This, in turn, will lead to a policy change that will serve a company well. As currently defined, light duty is an antiquated term and concept. Processes that center on "transitional work," "alternative work," "modified jobs," or "alternative placement" allow an organization to maintain its Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) compliance and ensure that injured employees who return to work are productive. Using vocational rehabilitation counselors to test employees for suitability to other jobs and to help redesign work enhances the effectiveness of a return-to-work program. However, coupled with this strategy is the caveat that modified duty at less than standard productivity is a temporary status of six months maximum. Following this will be either a return to a standard job at normal productivity or outplacement to an appropriate job.

  5. There is a growing company awareness that ADA complaints are initiated by current employees. When this occurs, managers are more likely to realize that anyone within the company’s labor pool could potentially require some form of job accommodation. For example, an engineer loses his sight in a home accident with a cleaning solvent, or a machinist has traumatic amputation of his right leg below the knee. Then, after months of rehabilitation, these individuals express a desire to return to work.

    What should the company do? Challenges such as these can present themselves to any organization. The company can seek assistance from the engineer or the machinist and rehabilitation personnel to construct reasonable accommodations, or the firm can retire these individuals on disability insurance. The latter choice, of course, can lead to disability-based discrimination charges and Equal Employment Opportunity Commission complaints, as well as higher costs.

    However, companies that recognize the potential the ADA holds for its employees are more likely to extrapolate the power of accommodation to other situations. In other words, companies can redesign jobs so that permanently injured employees will be able to perform them effectively. History has shown that job redesign is generally inexpensive and can place a partially recovered worker in a productive, satisfying, and safe work situation.

  6. The company has made an effort to purchase managed-care services, with no true recognition that a corporate health care system needs the time to mature and the opportunity to interact with an existing injury-management system. In other words, when a corporation does not maintain a dialogue with the health-care delivery system (meaning that the company simply purchases the system through an intermediary that has no influence over either the health-care providers or the work organization to interact effectively), so-called "managed care" will not work.

    The workplace must be the focus of rehabilitative activity. Clinics, laboratories, operating rooms, and physical therapy facilities are not where people get well. Employers must facilitate a return to work in every case and not allow physicians or other health-care providers to make unilateral decisions regarding an employee’s capacity to work. The decision to return an injured employee to work is ultimately made jointly by the employer, the employee, and the employee’s treating physician, who exercises primary judgment on the issue. Creating a written job description and a corresponding videotape of the essential functions of the potential job will enable the physician to make an informed judgment regarding the job duties the returning worker can perform.

  7. The company has no central data system to track accident or injury violations, ADA complaints, workers’ compensation losses, long-term disability leaves, short-term disability applications, and other risk-management events. Data help managers make wise decisions regarding policies and procedures that affect future events. Without information regarding changes in absenteeism, lost time, the causes and rates of accidents, and the nature of illnesses and injuries, risk managers may find it impossible to measure the effectiveness of DMPs or other initiatives. An employer database containing this information in an appropriate format would offer valuable insight into the statistical analysis of the related events.

    Compiling and extrapolating data may easily spill into potential ethical issues between the employer and employees.  Section F.4. of the Code of Professional Ethics for Rehabilitation Counselors addresses this conflict with the following excerpts:

    Use of data derived from counseling relationships for purposes of training, research, or publication will be confined to content that is disguised to ensure the anonymity of the individuals involved, and

    Identification of a client in a presentation or publication will be permissible only when the client has agreed in writing to its presentation or publication. 

     

     

  8. The company lacks a proactive accident prevention and safety program. Disability management can be most effective in cases where it is not utilized. That is, if a company has found ways to prevent accidents and injuries, its management need not worry about controlling the effects of these accidents. Thus, every organization should have a goal of zero accidents with incentives to encourage direct-line workers and their supervisors to pursue that goal aggressively.

  9. The company’s EAP is nonexistent or, in some instances, underutilized. As mentioned earlier, survey data suggest that 30 percent of all workers’ compensation accidents are associated with substance abuse. Illicit drug abuse is not the only problem, however. There is a growing sense in the health-care community that some injured workers may be overmedicated with prescription drugs. Thus, testing for illicit drug use will not detect all forms of substance abuse. Identifying drug-using employees and threatening their jobs is not adequate management. There must be an aggressive and well-implemented EAP in every organization that can afford one. The EAP, in turn, must be part of a larger disability-management system.

  10. There is little or no support from top-level management for existing loss control services. In some organizations, early intervention programs are viewed with suspicion and skepticism. When senior managers, particularly the CEO or CFO, question the efficacy of programs designed to eliminate and reduce situations that result in loss, the entire organization is faced with a substantial roadblock in the effort to remain proactive and productive. Top-level decision-makers who are not willing to invest in loss control can thwart or frustrate the efforts of others who see the critical need for prevention and intervention programs.

Therefore, those in the organization who are more in touch with the effectiveness of these programs must keep the top-level decision-makers informed about their benefits. Ideally, every organization should have someone on board who is a strong advocate of these programs, and he or she must be encouraged to develop programs that will work.

When an organization has attained a certain readiness, it can integrate existing services into a comprehensive disability-prevention/management program. A report from the Leadership Forum on Disability Management from October 1992 shows that such initiatives can result in a 30 percent reduction in disability expenditures.

This list consists of some primary indicators that signal the need for designing and implementing a proactive system to manage the antecedents and consequences of workplace disability. With the average company spending about 8 percent of its payroll on disability and associated costs, a disability-prevention/management program can be a worthwhile investment.

 

 

The Different Responsibilities of National- and Community-Based Advocacy Groups

By Jasen M. Walker, Ed.D., C.R.C., C.C.M., and Fred Heffner, Ed.D.

The most common reason cited by employers for not hiring a disabled worker is a lack of qualified workers.1 Since in fact there are approximately 8.4 million Americans with disabilities who want jobs, the reason cited is not a valid reason. If too many employers still labor under the misapprehension that there is a scarcity of qualified individuals with disabilities available for employment, then advocacy groups have not, and are not, doing enough to dispel the misconception.

To assign responsibility in even more detail, advocacy groups at community-based levels probably have a greater chance to influence the situation than do national groups. National groups need to continue to provide perspective, direction, and resources. National agencies are responsible for the sensitizing of Congress and keeping the pressure on there. National agencies are also more effective with large companies as opposed to small companies. And it is important to have large companies support the cause. Fifty-two percent of companies with 10,000 or more employees hire individuals with disabilities versus only 16 percent of companies with 10 to 49 employees.

As the (only) 52 percent indicate, large companies also need to do more. This is to be the continuing challenge for the national agencies. But the effort to assist small companies to understand the value of employing individuals with disabilities falls almost exclusively to community-based advocacy groups.

What should these community-based agencies be doing to help area employers hire and support qualified individuals with disabilities?1 Consider the following:

A Commitment to Deal with the Disability Issue

Small companies need to understand that not having a Disability-Management Program (DMP)—or at the very least a strategy—is a cost factor too important to ignore. Small companies are as liable for Workers’ Compensation and medical-benefit costs as are their larger counter-part companies, and they are far less able to absorb these (continually rising) costs.

Most smaller companies need to be assisted to make a commitment to disability management. And they also need to be helped to understand the nature of the commitment. At minimum, the commitment is to:

contain cost through planning for and managing disability programs;
design and operate safety and wellness programs;
sponsor return-to-work programs for present employees; and
reach out to qualified individuals with disabilities for new hires.

Planning Disability-Management Programs

The role of community-based advocacy groups is to reach all employers in the area to make certain they understand the cost of not including individuals with disabilities in the company. The objectives are to identify the individuals with authority in a company and to get them committed to the process. The commitment is manifested through direct action, and community-based agencies can play an important role in the action by providing planning expertise and development of resources.

The question is, "Who in the company can obligate to the decision? And, if the person who is authorized to do so does not, what responsibility do others have?"

After the commitment, companies need to undertake the following:

gather relevant data as the basis for decision making;
assign responsibility for the continuation of the process (a cost containment task force/team);
create strategies;
write policies and procedures; and
train personnel to implement and operate the following initiatives.

Safety and Wellness Programs

Obviously, safety programs are more effective in some businesses than others. In some smaller companies, safety programs may not be needed. But where the business does warrant a safety program, disability professionals in community-based agencies can serve employers as expert consultants. Wellness programs, on the other hand, are applicable to all companies regardless of size. Wellness programs are prevention strategies designed to contain absenteeism and more extended time-loss costs due to illness/injury. Some basic issues here are quitting smoking, maintaining a general fitness level, strengthening muscles (especially back), and controlling obesity. Another serious concern for smaller companies (whether it should be classified as safety or wellness) is assisting employees to avoid situations that could lead to repetitive motion syndrome.

Presumably, community-based advocates are experts on preventive measures, as well as after-the-fact measures and, as such, should be willing to support area employers as they attempt to develop safety and wellness programs.

Return-to-Work Programs

Once an employee has been injured or becomes ill, the single most important thing a company can do is to immediately initiate a return-to-work process. This means that a designated individual, representing the company, goes to visit the employee (in treatment or at home) to assure the individual that the company will do everything it can to effect the quickest possible return to productivity.

The return-to-work commitment includes: professionally managed care using preferred providers, utilization reviews, peer reviews, work hardening/therapy, vocational rehabilitation as appropriate, and transition duty, which is a more useful concept than "light duty".

The heart of any DMP in which cost containment is the goal, must embrace an aggressive return-to-work program. Employers need to understand this critical concept and to create the programming that, in fact, will achieve that goal. A community-based advocacy group, perhaps more so than any other entity, can help to instruct employers on this approach. A company not embracing a return-to-work program will not be doing all it can to contain disability costs.

Finding Individuals with Disabilities as New Hires

In all companies, regardless of size or the nature of the business, people create the margin of success. Well-managed companies learned a long time ago that a diverse, heterogeneous workforce will produce better ideas than one that is not. Well-managed companies seek to attract, to challenge, and to reward the best people and to develop them for the future.

To ascribe to this hypothesis without considering the talents and skills of individuals with disabilities is to limit severely the talent pool available for employment. Community-based agencies need to work with employers to apprise them of the talent/skill pool in an area and to help employers to locate and hire these individuals.

For their part, rehabilitation counselors are responsible for knowing what additional resources, especially community-based resources, are available to benefit their clients.  The Code of Professional Ethics for Rehabilitation Counselors speaks to the issue by stating in Section A.9.d. that: 

Rehabilitation counselors will be knowledgeable about referral resources and suggest appropriate alternatives.  

The Code is so positive about the application of other resources, that it states:
 

If clients decline the suggested referral, rehabilitation counselors have the right to discontinue the relationship.

 

The Mission of Community-Based Advocacy Groups?

The professionals who staff community-based advocacy groups certainly have enough to accomplish without additional responsibilities. Still, the important work of making the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) effective across the nation requires that such agencies take up the concomitant obligation of partnering with local businesses to achieve the opportunities their client’s need in the marketplace.

1 Result reported in Louis Harris survey conducted for the International Center for the Disabled.

 

Questions